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Democratic Allies Must Join Forces in the Race for UAP Disclosure

Since February 2026, the United States Department of War (DOW), under the direction of President Donald Trump, has released an unprecedented number of documents, videos, and firsthand witness accounts detailing the United States’ extensive history of encounters with unidentified anomalous phenomena, or “UAP.”

Despite the questions that remain, this initiative under the Presidential Unsealing and Reporting System for UAP Encounters (PURSUE) has been nothing short of historic. For more than 75 years, Americans pleading for the truth on the issue have been routinely ridiculed and even misled by their own government. It’s difficult to imagine the nation’s posture being anything other than one of obfuscation, secrecy, and resistance to transparency.

Documents, particularly those detailing reports from senior intelligence officials encountering “orbs”, are a stark departure from the U.S. government’s nearly century-long position of secrecy.

Lawmakers, however, have been left with more questions than answers. Who or what flies with such impunity over our sensitive military installations? Who owns this technology? Are they a threat to national security?

Across the Pacific, members of Japan’s National Diet are confronting the same questions. The May 2026 file releases from the U.S. DOW disclosed two unresolved UAP incidents from the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command. Japanese legislators only learned the details of these cases near their own territory after the American file release—not through any internal channels.

Democratic allies, it seems, face a shared challenge. For too long, elected officials in our respective nations have been denied adequate information about the phenomena operating in our common security environment. And in the U.S., whenever we are informed, it’s only through the preferred methods and timing of unelected bureaucrats deeply entrenched in our national security apparatus. In Japan, by contrast, the Ministry of Defense has stated that information may be made public when something arises that it determines should be explained.

But this raises a fundamental question: should the government alone decide what should be explained to the public?

If a grave national security threat truly exists, then elected representatives have been left with little choice but to entrust the security of their nations to the very institutions that have obscured the truth from us and even each other.

It is therefore incumbent upon us—Representatives solely accountable to the citizens of our respective nations—to work together and to seek the truth wherever we may find it; both for the good of our people and to defend against whatever threats we face from strategic competitors.

As mentioned above, among the files released by the U.S. DOW were highly significant firsthand reports from high-ranking officials in the Office of the Director of National Intelligence. The documents detail a search operation at a classified missile testing site in the Western United States, explicitly for aerial phenomena:

En route, ground teams reported spotting a UAP on FLIR [Forward Looking Infrared], describing it as “super-hot,” low to the ground, and moving east then south at high speed. The object then split into two and changed direction. Upon arrival, we scanned the area using NVG [Night Vision Goggles], FLIR, and the naked eye. The ground team suddenly radioed that the object had risen from the ground, approached within ten feet of the helicopter, dropped below us, and then sped away.

The documents were accompanied by what the DOW labeled as “related photos.”

Accounts such as these are hardly “proof” of anything, but for elected officials, they do cement the reality of our national security concerns. Missing from this account—or any account we have been allowed to access—is an answer to a fundamental question: What do the various U.S. government agencies believe these objects are? Are they merely civilian drones? Do they represent technology belonging to a foreign actor? And if someone within the government does know, who decides that elected officials shouldn’t?

Members of Japan’s UAP Parliamentary League, led by former Japanese Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada, share similar concerns.

DOW data, released through the Pentagon’s All-domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO) in August of 2023, identified specific regions of Japan, particularly in the western and southern parts of the country, as being among the world’s notable hotspots for UAP reports.

One such instance occurred as recently as July of last year. Security guards at the Genkai Nuclear Power Station in Saga Prefecture observed three luminous objects in the sky above the facility. The lights remained visible for nearly two hours; long enough for local police to arrive and observe them. The police stated that what they themselves observed was an airplane, leaving a discrepancy between the two accounts. The incident was also recorded by Kyushu Electric Power’s security cameras, but the footage has not been made available even to members of the National Diet. Police have likewise declined to disclose related information on the grounds that the matter remains under investigation. As a result, elected lawmakers still lack access to the information necessary to independently assess the incident, and to this day, members of Japan’s National Diet have no answers.

Like their American counterparts, Japanese lawmakers have been left without the tools or information for proper oversight despite reports of UAP operating near critical infrastructure within restricted airspace.

It is no longer acceptable for elected representatives to be agnostic on this issue. Events such as these, along with countless videos now made publicly available, are more than mere optical illusions and cannot be dismissed on account of prosaic explanations like parallax effect. For many members of Congress and members of Japan’s UAP Parliamentary League, the evidence presented before us indicates an unknown technology.

Our understanding of what is technologically feasible in propulsion, the manipulation of physical matter, and even space-time itself is being challenged. From what we know, our current defense capabilities appear insufficient. Furthermore, the origin of these phenomena remains unknown—not only to the U.S. and Japan, but seemingly to other nations as well. China, for instance, recently established its own military body dedicated to investigating UAP, even supplementing human resources with artificial intelligence dedicated to tracking what the People’s Liberation Army refers to as “Unidentified Air Conditions.”

We are, by all indications, in a global arms race for technological supremacy, one that is rapidly rendering today’s weapons obsolete through advances in quantum technology, artificial intelligence, and drone warfare. UAP and whatever technology allows them to operate with apparent impunity over sensitive military and nuclear installations could redefine the competition.

If harnessed by democratic allies, breakthroughs could bolster deterrence and stability in the South China Sea. Conversely, failure to establish a coordinated effort among democratic allies could give China an unforeseen technological advantage over a future invasion of Taiwan, making an already difficult fight impossible.

U.S. global leadership, along with the territorial integrity of the Pacific are at stake. For members of Japan’s National Diet, UAP investigations are of great national importance—an issue that demands cross-party attention.

As for their American counterparts, it’s clear representatives can’t reach the truth through traditional pathways that amount to asking the Central Intelligence Agency ‘nicely.’ It stands to reason that close alliances with democratic allies like Japan may be the most viable pathway for disclosure.

Indeed, if our tools are limited in scope, perhaps new revelations made by democratic allies provide a unique leverage point. After all, it was the Trump administration’s disclosure under the PURSUE program that significantly increased pressure on Japan’s Defense Ministry to acknowledge its own previously undisclosed UAP-related activities.

This is why we, as elected representatives of our nations, have engaged the Emerging Technologies Interparliamentary Caucus (ETIC) as a platform for international dialogue regarding emerging technologies and the security threats presented by UAP. Comprised of representatives from across the globe, the ETIC presents a rare opportunity to ensure elected representatives are equipped to assess potential threats, safeguard our nations, and prepare for the realities of emerging technologies in the 21st century.

Whether the phenomena we are encountering originate from an adversary or something else entirely, democratic nations cannot afford to be complacent.

The people of our nations deserve answers, and we intend to find them.

Rep. Eric Burlison (R-MO-07) is the Chairman of the Subcommittee on Economic Growth, Energy Policy, and Regulatory Affairs. 

Yasukazu Hamada is a Member of the House of Representatives, Japan, Former Minister of Defense, and Chairman of the UAP Parliamentary League.  

Yoshiharu Asakawa is a Former Member of the House of Representatives, Japan, and Assistant to the Chairman of the UAP Parliamentary League.

Should You Update to MacOS 27 Golden Gate from MacOS Tahoe or Sequoia?

15 September 2026 at 17:26

Mac users are faced with the annual classic computing question again; should I upgrade to the latest major new system software that is available? In this case, MacOS 27 Golden Gate is available to download and widely considered to be a solid system software version, so if your Mac is currently running MacOS Tahoe 26, ... Read More

The post Should You Update to MacOS 27 Golden Gate from MacOS Tahoe or Sequoia? appeared first on OS X Daily.

Half-fold Apple’s iPhone Duo once and you’ll start asking for an iPad Duo

11 September 2026 at 16:25
Half-fold Apple's iPhone Duo once and you’ll start asking for an iPad Duo
Apple’s iPhone Duo half-folded

Apple finally shipped a foldable phone, and the most interesting thing about it is not the hinge. It is what happens when you stop treating the iPhone Duo like a book and start treating it like a laptop.

Bend the device partway, rest the bottom half on a table, and iOS 27 splits the 7.6-inch inner display into two jobs. The top half becomes a landscape screen for the app, document, or video you are actually using. The bottom half turns into a touch keyboard and control deck. That is the mode that makes the $1,999 iPhone Duo feel less like a foldable smrtphone and more like a pocket computer.

Apple has spent years insisting that foldables should not feel like two phones glued together. The Duo is its answer: a passport-shaped handset with a 5.4-inch outer display that opens into a 7.6-inch inner panel, both sharing the same 1:1.4 aspect ratio so content does not warp when you unfold it. The software is the real product. iOS 27 watches the hinge, not just the open/closed state. Content slides away from the crease. Speakers retune as the halves move. And the keyboard follows the posture of your hands.

The laptop pose is the feature people will actually use

Apple and reviewers keep circling the same demo. Set the Duo down half-open, like a tiny clamshell. Video, Mail, Notes, or Safari stay on the upper pane. Playback controls and a full or split on-screen keyboard occupy the lower pane. Slightly more fold and the keyboard splits left and right, so thumbs can type while you hold the device like a book. No settings menu. The crease becomes the dividing line.

That is why the Duo suddenly looks like an argument for a larger sibling. A 7.6-inch inner screen is close to an iPad mini, which is enough for email, messages, and a movie on a tray table. It is not enough for a spreadsheet, a long draft, or two serious windows without feeling cramped. Once you have tasted laptop posture on a phone, a 12- or 13-inch foldable iPad that does the same thing stops sounding like a rumor and starts sounding like the obvious next product.

Apple already designed the Duo to feel “as natural and intuitive as iPad.” Split View finally arrives on iPhone. You can park two apps side by side, or two windows of the same app. Saved app pairs come back later. Controls migrate to the vertical edge so the content column stays tall. StandBy works without a charger: tent the phone on a nightstand and it becomes a clock, photo frame, or widget slab. Those are iPad ideas squeezed into a pocket. They work. They also expose the size ceiling.

Why a foldable iPad now feels inevitable

A foldable iPad has been in the rumor mill for years: first as a ~20-inch board that folds to something closer to a 13-inch slate, later as a delayed 2028 or 2029 project after cost and weight problems. The Duo changes the brief. Apple no longer has to invent hinge software from scratch. It already has angle-aware layouts, a crease-aware keyboard, tent mode, table-top sensors in each half, and developer APIs for reserved fold regions. Scaling that system to a tablet is relatively easy.

Imagine the same half-fold grammar on a larger canvas. Top half: a proper landscape document, timeline, or browser. Bottom half: a real-size software keyboard, or a trackpad zone, or a palette of tools. Apple Pencil on the Duo already hints at the tablet version of that idea. On a phone, Pencil is a nice extra. On a foldable iPad, it is the point: sketch on the upper pane, keep reference material or a keyboard on the lower one, then flatten the device into a single drawing board.

The Duo also proves Apple will move iOS elements when the hardware demands it. Dock and navigation sit on the side. The status bar collapses into a corner puck. Dynamic Island runs vertically. Third-party apps that are not ready get a safe area; apps built for iOS 27.1 can use the full inner panel. That same discipline would make a foldable iPad less of a novelty and more of a second computer.

The iPhone Duo makes an iPad Duo feel necessary rather than greedy. The phone version is a proof of concept. It shows that Apple can make a hinge feel like an input device: slightly open for thumb typing, tented for widgets, laptop-angled for media and mail. The missing piece is area. Give that same software a screen that can hold a full page of text above a usable keyboard, and the “pocket laptop” pitch stops being a clever demo and becomes a category.

Apple did not announce an iPad Duo this week. It did something more useful. It shipped the interaction model first, on the device people actually carry every day. After a few weeks of using the Duo half-folded on a café table, a lot of people will not want a bigger phone. They will want the same trick, at iPad scale.

MacDailyNews Take: An iPad Duo that folds into a laptop pose would steal the exact jobs for which a lot of people already use a MacBook Neo or even MacBook Air: email, docs, browsing, video, light travel work. The iPhone Duo already shows the posture: screen on top, keyboard/controls below. Scale that to iPad size and the “why did I bring a laptop?” question gets louder.

An iPad Duo would not wipe out MacBooks, for the same reasons the iPad Pro never did:

• Software ceiling. iPadOS is still app-and-touch first. Serious windowing, files, terminals, IDEs, and pro apps still live more comfortably on macOS.

• Input. A software keyboard on glass is fine in a pinch. All-day typing still favors a real keyboard and trackpad. People who need that will keep buying Airs and Pros.

• Apple’s own mix. Apple has long accepted overlap: iPad Pro vs. MacBook Air, iPhone vs. iPad mini. A foldable tablet would shift the mix, not collapse it. Some MacBook Neo and Air buyers become Duo buyers; some Duo buyers still want a Mac at the desk or on the go.

Net effect of an iPad Duo: partial cannibalization of entry-level MacBook sales, plus some new demand from people who would never haul a laptop, but would fold a tablet. The Macs most at risk would be mostly MacBook Neo with some MacBook Air.


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